Biography of Kornilovsky

The general demanded that the interim government "exclude from their composition those ministers who, according to available information, were obvious traitors of the homeland" and "to rebuild so that the country is guaranteed strong and solid power." There were no direct accusations and threats against Kerensky, as well as a specific political program. He laid the duties of the chief of the head of the headquarters, and the chief of staff appointed an elderly executive general Mikhail Alekseev, who held this position under Nicholas II.

Ice campaign: the curtain of the tragedy on the same day, the echelons with the Krymov corps stopped, as the railway workers dismantled the canvas in the Positsa-Pavlovsk section. The troops stuck in inaction hesitated and were patented by the agitators of the Petrograd Council, and the native of the “wild” division in the corps - by delegates of the Muslim peoples held in those days.

The Bolsheviks began to form a Red Guard in Petrograd - detachments of volunteers to combat Kornilovism. In the case of the "rebellion", 30 people were arrested, including Kornilov, including 14 generals. The commander of the strike volunteer Kornilov Regiment Mitrofan Nezhentsev, who declared the readiness of the personnel to join the battle, the general ordered "to observe complete calm." Krymov got a meeting with Kerensky and expressed everything that he thought about him, after which he shot himself.

What did Kerensky want? As Anton Denikin claimed in the Essays on Russian Troubles, Kornilov’s whole plan was built on the fact that there would be no serious resistance. All initiates were held by the same opinion. We knew that the coup d'etat should soon take place, which would commit the power of the Petrograd Council and declare either the Directory or the dictatorship with the consent of Kerensky and with its participation, which in these conditions was a guarantee of complete success, ”recalled the commander of one of the regiments of the regiments of Prince Ukhtomsky.

According to Denikin, and followed by most historians, the failure of the revolution of the revolution The position of Kerensky, first of all, predetermined, which at first seemed to promise to support Kornilov and share power, and at the last moment changed his mind. The government must recognize General Kornilov. "To the diplomat’s question, whether Kerensky shares this opinion, Tereshchenko answered affirmatively, however, adding that" the prime minister is connected by the prime minister.

"Lukomsky asked what position the government would take. Kornilov expressed the confidence that it would either support him or would not intervene," and then they will say thank you. " The Governor of Petrograd, the former Socialist-Revolutionary Boris Savinkov, was attended by Korenov, General Denikin claimed that on August 20, Kerensky agreed to establish military law in the capital and introduced the Krymov corps to the capital.

Thus, the movement of the troops began legally. It is known about the dubious role played by the former State Duma deputy Vladimir Lvov, who, in the first composition of the Provisional Government, was the chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod, and in the year returned from emigration to Soviet Russia and participated in the movement of the "renewed church". In political circles, he had a reputation as a man of unbalanced and unreliable.

After Kerensky became the prime minister and did not find a place in his office for Lviv, he began to declare everyone who wanted to listen that Kerensky was now a deadly enemy. Nevertheless, according to Lviv, Kerensky called him to his place on August 24, said that he was afraid for his own future and asked Kornilov to negotiate additional guarantees. According to Kerensky, Lviv himself appeared with a proposal to talk with some "influential figures capable of providing the government on the right." And he added from himself that Kerensky will most likely be killed there.

Kornilov, for his part, claimed that he was discussing with Lvov, who submitted the Plenipotentiary of Kerensky, the possibility of uniting the posts of the prime minister and chief commandant, but in the order of discussion, and did not put Ultimatumov. Then Kerensky in the presence of Lviv contacted Kornilov on the phone and asked if it was true that he was saying to Vladimir Nikolaevich.

The general, not sensing the catch, answered in the affirmative, and about the arrival of the prime minister to the Headquarters said that this, of course, would be desirable. Then the prime minister released Lviv, and then again invited him to his office, during this time hiding behind the porter of the assistant chief of the Petrograd police of Bulavinsky, a witness was required.

He asked Lviv for more clarity to once again repeat the allegedly heard from Kornilov and state the content of the “ultimatum” in writing.As soon as Lvov finished writing, Kerensky ordered Bulavinsky to arrest him, and from that moment he did not leave the position: Kornilov is a criminal! Who outwitted whom? Some historians believe that a grandiose misunderstanding happened between Kornilov and Kerensky because they had not seen each other since August 15, but communicated through third parties.

Petersburg professor Andrei Burovsky does not exclude that Kerensky himself decided to refuse Kornilov in support, and took advantage of the nearby Lvov to get a reason. If so, then what was guided by the Minister-Chairman? Could not give up the principles and become a burial to the democracy, whose service devoted his whole conscious life? Or was he frightened for his power, but did he underestimate the danger to this very power from the opposite flank?

In principle, there were no grounds to trust Kornilov by Kerensky. Having become the master of the situation, the general could well have been struck by the sole dictatorship. Such confidence was expressed, in particular, Lev Trotsky in his "History of the Russian Revolution." Kerensky and Kornilov had different blood groups in the nesting one: one from his youth despised “Soldyon”, the other “Boltun-Buscats”.

In an interview with the BBC Russian service in the year, Kerensky again claimed that "there is no question, there was a conspiracy or not."